Spanish religious indicators have experienced one of the most drastic declines in Europe. The low levels of church attendance and religious denomination contributed to reject the perception of religiosity as a relevant explanatory factor of electoral behavior. However, leaders continued introducing debates related to secular education, divorce and abortion not only during the eighties, but also more recently from 2004 to 2011. The facts encourage us to reconsider the strength of the religious vote. Is the political elite able to mobilize religious voting through the inclusion of such issues in the electoral debate? In this paper I demonstrate that religiosity has been and still is a key element to understand Spanish electoral behavior, especially in those elections in which the political elite has focused the debate on issues related to moral issues.
Social sciences have often claimed the end of religiosity as an explanatory factor of electoral behaviour in Europe. Nevertheless, left and right parties still insert religious and moral issues in the agenda in order to distance themselves from their opponents. This paper shows a comparative study of 34 European democracies examining the extent to which religious voting has diminished since the eighties. Results point to a sharp decline in the levels of religious vote until the nineties, with a revitalization since then in some of the countries of the sample. The analysis also highlights the important role played by the political elite on the activation of religious vote
Despite the popularity of religious voting models during the sixties and seventies, the intense process of secularization in Europe contributed to insist on the end of religiosity as a predictor of electoral behavior in Europe. The chaos in these works resulted in a lack of agreement on the theoretical models, the definition of the concepts and also its empirical analysis. Considering the resurgence of studies pointing to the re-emergence of the religious vote in Europe, this analysis seeks to classify the existing studies in order to review the main contributions and also highlight the most widespread gaps in the field.
En Cataluña hay un renovado interés por conocer el origen de la activación del debate nacionalista. Las encuestas de opinión muestran en los últimos años un incremento en el porcentaje de catalanes que apoyan aumentar el nivel actual de autonomía o la independencia de Cataluña. ¿Pero los partidos reflejan los cambios en las actitudes e identidades de sus votantes o las dirigen? Desgraciadamente, no disponemos de datos suficientemente precisos para responder a esta pregunta, pero a continuación presentaremos algunos elementos que contribuyen a aportar un poco de luz a la cuestión. Este debate es importante no sólo para contribuir a conocer las relaciones entre los líderes y los ciudadanos, sino también por sus implicaciones en la representación de los políticos. Desde un punto de vista normativo, la representación política cuenta con tres dimensiones (...)